Category: Specialty Topics

  • Natural Disaster Insurance and Markets Under Pressure: New Challenges to Managing Risk in Rural Communities

    Natural Disaster Insurance and Markets Under Pressure: New Challenges to Managing Risk in Rural Communities

    In October of last year, The Progressive Corporation announced that it would not be renewing about half of its homeowner’s insurance policies in the state of Florida. The notice went into effect last month, with letters going out to homeowners stating, 

    Dear Policyholder, your policy will expire at 12:01 on July 1, 2024, for the following reasons. After careful consideration we are unable to offer you a renewal policy due to a reduction in our hurricane exposure. Please contact your agent to find replacement coverage”.

    They were not the first insurer to do so and are not expected to be last. Damage from natural disasters across the Gulf Coast, whether in the form of windstorms, flooding, or hail, has led to a rise in the payouts insurers are making to their policyholders. The Insurance Information Institute’s 2023 annual report wrote of the 28 US weather events exceeding damages of $1 billion, breaking a previous record of 22 in a single year. These disasters led to total insured losses of approximately $60 billion in 2023 (Insurance Information Institute, 2023). To remain solvent these insurers are managing through two courses of action, passing on costs via increased premiums for consumers, and exiting regions where the risk is deemed too high to justify any premium at all. With insurance a requirement for almost all property under lien (commercial, residential, or agricultural), a relatively less stable insurance market threatens a community’s very ability to build capital, by threatening its ability to take advantage of credit. 

    Among the policy proposals intended to shore up these markets are new allowances for premium hikes, adaptation policies such as more stringent building compliance codes, and an increased reliance on reinsurance and “catastrophe bonds” intended to spread out risk among global investors. New research has studied the threat of adverse selection in these markets, particularly as it relates to one’s own perceived vulnerability to a natural disaster (Wagner, 2022). In short, natural disaster insurance markets are adversely selected if homeowners with a higher willingness to pay for insurance are also more costly to insure. Akin to the problem health insurers have with smokers seeking insurance without disclosing their smoking, those homeowners who feel most at risk to natural disasters are the most likely to seek insurance for them. When this is the case, an increase in premiums tends to crowd out those with the lowest willingness to pay, which also tend to be those with the lowest risk among policy buyers. If this occurs, no progress is made toward an insurer’s goal of improving the cost/risk profile of their portfolio, while making insurance more expensive for those who remain insured. The administrators of the National Flood Insurance Program considered this a top concern during their latest meetings on long-term authorization (Wagner, 2022).

    Reinsurance has long been an effective tool for disseminating local risk to a global investor base. Firms such as Swiss Re and Munich Re are the largest global buyers of natural disaster risk, allowing regional insurers to offload policy risk for commensurate fees. As Gulf Coast disaster risk has grown in recent years due to climate change, so has the cost of reinsurance, to the point that regional insurers find it no longer cost effective to offer certain policies, particularly those with high property valuations and/or low disaster resilience. These tend to be disproportionately located in rural communities and include many agricultural structures, as well as those categorized as “secondary homes”. The increased use of catastrophe bonds is one-way reinsurers have continually enticed third-party investors to assume this risk. If a natural disaster occurs within the bond’s predetermined lifespan (usually three years) then the principal is lost and used to reimburse those impacted, via payments to the reinsurer and then the regional insurer. The trigger for a catastrophe bond can be a natural disaster of a certain size hitting the area under coverage, or damages exceeding a predetermined threshold. If no disaster occurs, then the investors simply get back their capital, with interest (Keucheyan, 2018).

    These flexible financial instruments, along with ongoing policy changes, have had enough of a positive impact on insurance markets over the first half of 2024 that some homeowners are seeing insurers returning to areas they had once abandoned. However, this short-term success is one continually threatened by the next set of natural disasters and the increased severity and frequency climate change has imbued them with. 

    References: 

    2023 Annual Report. (2024). Insurance Information Institute. Retrieved from https://www.iii.org/sites/default/files/docs/pdf/triple-i_2023_annual_report.pdf

    Keucheyan, R. (2018). Insuring climate change: New risks and the financialization of nature. Development and Change, 49(2), 484-501. doi:10.1111/dech.12367


    Lopez, Benjamin. “Natural Disaster Insurance and Markets Under Pressure: New Challenges to Managing Risk in Rural Communities.Southern Ag Today 4(28.5). July 12, 2024. Permalink

  • Is the Current CSA Model Sustainable? A Lesson from Korea

    Is the Current CSA Model Sustainable? A Lesson from Korea

    The popularity of Community-Supported Agriculture (CSA) has been on a downward trend for over 20 years. As such, the continuous decline of CSAs raises the question of whether their traditional business model can compete with other local food sources. Since the first CSA program was introduced in 1986, CSAs have not changed their core model; farmers and consumers maintain a direct relationship, ensuring financial support for the farmers while providing members with locally grown food. Typically, CSA members pay a seasonal up-front fee ranging from $400 to $800 in exchange for predesignated boxes of raw ingredients, which can be picked up or delivered. Though many CSAs have partially modified their model with up-front pricing policies and CSA box options, their core model has yet to change since its inception. Meanwhile, CSAs became the least favorable option for local food customers (Seo & Hudson, 2023). Many larger retailers provide local food with greater accessibility, diverse selections, and entertainment options like live music. Similarly, farmers’ markets offer fresh local food with a strong emphasis on community engagement & support, and various entertainment, which CSAs typically lack. Thus, the continuous diminishing of CSAs suggests that they need to reconsider their outdated business model to remain competitive and sustainable among other local food sources.

    However, the local food model in South Korea sheds some light on how CSA farmers could better position themselves among local food sources. In Korea, numerous small local food shops run by small cooperatives effectively bridge the gap between micro farmers and customers in rural communities. The common thread among these local food shops is their utilization of the Wanju Local Food Cooperative‘s local food model. This model won awards at the Milan Urban Food Policy Pact (MUFP) in Governance for “Local Food No. 1 Project” in 2018 and in Social and Economic Equity for “Equal Healthy Food for All: Wanju Type Food Plan” in 2022. It was also praised by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) as a successful regional food localization strategy (FAO, 2017). As such, the Wanju Local Food Cooperative is an excellent example of how CSAs can revive themselves and become popular once again.

    When the Wanju Local Food Cooperative initially started, they used the traditional American CSA box delivery model. Though they still offer CSA boxes to customers, their success began with their first offline local food shop in 2012, right around the same time that the number of CSAs in the United States started to decrease. To launch their first offline shop, the cooperative created contracts with 1,011 local farmers and developed detailed crop production plans to offer customers a small but diverse selection of produce. Since then, the shop has functioned as an open market for micro farmers who have completed training courses and submitted production plans to sell their produce freely. To ensure the highest quality products, the Wanju Local Food Cooperative maintains a strict list of policies, including: 

    • Fresh produce must have been harvested the same morning that it is brought to the market for sale

    • Farmers independently pack, display, and price their own produce

    • Unsold produce is either discarded or returned to the original farmer

    • Farmers pay a 10% commission fee to the cooperative 

    Furthermore, the cooperative managing the local food shop extends its services to restaurants within the shop, provides online shopping options, offers food processing facilities to farmers, and even enhances community engagement through agrotourism initiatives such as farm tours and cultural events. As a result, it is common to see residents and tourists flock to the shop early in the morning to buy the freshest locally grown produce and enjoy the restaurants serving local food. This successful local food model spread nationally and became a popular community support model throughout Korea. Because the local food shops offer a variety of the freshest produce, good accessibility in residential areas, competitive prices from competition between farmers, entertainment events, and no exclusive membership or up-front fee policy, these local food shops have established their unique place among local supermarkets and farmers’ markets.

    The success of the Wanju Local Food Cooperative underscores two pivotal elements for an effective local food model: minimizing market entry barriers for small farmers and offering a diverse range of produce to customers under one roof. Many small farmers struggle to access markets due to quantity constraints, which deter both existing farmers and potential newcomers. The Wanju Local Food Cooperative has overcome this challenge through its open-market approach.Additionally, while local food consumers do seek shopping experiences that support local farmers and foster community engagement, their primary desire is a convenient location to purchase their weekly groceries. In contrast, the traditional CSA model often receives criticism for its limited selection. However, the Wanju Local Food Cooperative addressed this by coordinating farmers’ production plans to offer a broader array of produce, prioritizing variety over quantity to fulfill the objective of convenient grocery shopping. Therefore, if CSAs in the United States seek to remain competitive with other local food sources and genuinely support community farmers to be more than just a produce box delivery service, they should reconsider their traditional approach to running their organizations. 

    References

    Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. (2017). Wanju: Supporting Local Agriculture 

    through Direct Food Marketing, Milan Urban Food Policy Pact Category: GovernanceFood and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO). https://openknowledge.fao.org/handle/20.500.14283/ca0491en

    Seo, F., & Hudson, D. (2023). Attributes that Influence Consumers’ Preferences for 

    Choosing Locally Grown Food Sources During and After the COVID-19 Pandemic. Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics. 2023;55(4):626-650. doi:10.1017/aae.2023.27


    Seo, Frank. “Is the Current CSA Model Sustainable? A Lesson from Korea.Southern Ag Today 4(27.5). July 5, 2024. Permalink

  • Transitioning to Organic in the South

    Transitioning to Organic in the South

    Some people say that growing organically requires a different mindset. Receiving a price premium particularly when demand is high guarantees increased earnings, but many producers shifting to organic put environmental stewardship and personal values at the top of the list. Between 2017 and 2022, the US experienced a notable surge in the organic agriculture sector, with the Census of Agriculture showing increases (about 32%) in organic product sales. However, the number of organic operations dropped from 18,166 to 17,321 (about 5%). 

    Growing organic in the South has its own challenges; high pest pressure, high humidity and a region prone to extreme temperatures. As such, organic operations in the South tend to be smaller but are still important contributors to the sector. A closer look at the Census of Agriculture reveals some important changes in organic production for row crops and specialty crops. Arkansas, Georgia, North Carolina and Kentucky about doubled sales, Texas and Florida went up by 50%, and states like Louisiana where organic agriculture does not have a big economic footprint still reported a 12% growth. South Carolina and Texas were the only Southern states reporting a growing number of organic operations.

    Another challenge that organic producers face is the USDA certification process. Transitioning to organic requires familiarizing yourself with the certification process and regulations of the USDA National Organic Program (NOP). The recent Census of Agriculture revealed a decrease in the farms with acres transitioning to NOP. Though the numbers may be discouraging, it is worth considering the level of responses the Census received which was low particularly in some states.

    Figure 1: Number of farms with acreage transitioning into USDA NOP

    It will be interesting to see how producers will respond to the changing production landscape in the near future. As USDA works in amending organic production standards and with the demand for differentiated products continuing to grow will USDA provide more support to organic production? As of now we have seen increased funding in organic production through grants, funding towards development of organic markets under the Organic Market Development Grant program and this is the fourth year that USDA provides cost share assistance for organic certification. Certified organic producers and handlers who have paid certification fees during the 2024 program years may apply for reimbursement of the incurred costs up to 75%. The application deadline is October 31, 2024. For more information see link below: https://www.fsa.usda.gov/Assets/USDA-FSA-Public/usdafiles/organic-certification-cost-share-program/pdf/2024/fsa_occsp_fact_sheet.pdf


    Bampasidou, Maria, and Juna Dylce. “Transitioning to Organic in the South.” Southern Ag Today 4(26.5). June 28, 2024. Permalink

  • Population Change in Southern United States

    Population Change in Southern United States

    Population in the Southern region of the United States grew the fastest from 2010 to 2020, with a compound annual growth rate of 0.98%, according to the US Census Bureau. (The Pew Charitable Trusts, 2023). Between 2021 and 2022, the population in the Southern region grew by 1.08%. In contrast, the West grew modestly by 0.20%, while the Northeast and Midwest declined by 0.38% and 0.07%, respectively. 

    Texas experienced the highest growth in population (1.49%) in the South from 2010 to 2020, followed by Florida (1.37%), South Carolina (1.02%), and Georgia (1.01%). While Mississippi saw a small decline in population (-0.02%), Louisiana (0.27%), Arkansas (0.32%), and Kentucky (0.38%) experienced modest growth. All other states in the South gained population at a healthy pace. Nine of the 15 fastest growing cities are in the South according to the US Census Bureau. 

    The increase in population in the South between 2010 and 2022 was primarily due to state-to-state migration, representing on average 85% of residents who lived in a different state a year ago (see Figure below). It is noteworthy that state-to-state migration was prevalent across neighboring states. More recently, post-pandemic domestic migration gains have contributed to population growth particularly in Florida, the Carolinas, and near large metro areas such as Atlanta and Dallas (Rogers et al., 2023). 

    The average proportion of migration from foreign countries for the region was 13%. Texas, Florida, and Virginia had the highest share of total migration from foreign countries, representing on average 24%, 20% and 17%, respectively, between 2010 and 2022. Over a third of the nation’s immigrants overall live in the South (Budiman, 2020). Along with some Northern Plains states, the South generally has the highest fertility rates in the country. States such as Texas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Arkansas have particularly high fertility rates (CDC, 2022).

    Migration Flows in the Southern Region (2010-2022)

    Source : U.S. Census Bureau

    Notes:

    1. Other migration is the movement of persons from U.S. territories such as Puerto Rico and U.S. Islands Area.
    2. State-to-State Migration Flows were not available on the U.S. Census Bureau website for 2020.

    Summary and Implications

    Population in the Southern United States is growing, mainly in urban and sub-urban areas, compared to other regions of the country. This population shift has significant implications for land use, particularly in terms of residential housing and the provision of supporting services such as schools, libraries, hospitals, recreational facilities, and other systems. As the population move away from rural areas, the revenue and tax base may decline, requiring more resources to support these communities. To promote sustainable growth, communities need better planning, zoning, and resource management strategies to ensure a balanced approach to supporting residents while protecting natural resources and promoting environmental stewardship.  Social planners, policy makers and economic development practitioners can play a pivotal role in helping decision makers pursue higher goals by enhancing the rural-urban linkages to drive social, economic, and cultural transformation of communities.

    References:

    Biernacka-Lievestro, Joanna, and Alexandre Fall. 2023. Southern States Gain Residents the Fastest. The Pew Charitable Trusts.  https://www.pewtrusts.org/en/research-and-analysis/articles/2023/05/17/southern-states-gain-residents-the-fastest

    Blake, Suzanne. 2024. Americans are Flocking to These 3 Southern States. Newsweek. https://www.newsweek.com/americans-moving-south-top-states-1858742

    Budiman, Abby. 2020. Key Findings about U.S. Immigrants. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2020/08/20/key-findings-about-u-s-immigrants/

    Centers for Disease Control. 2022. National Center for Health Statistics. https://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/sosmap/fertility_rate/fertility_rates.htm

    Economic Research Service, USDA. 2023. Rural-Urban Continuum Codes. https://www.ers.usda.gov/data-products/rural-urban-continuum-codes/

    Karlekar, Indraneel, and Julie Laumont. 2024. The U.S. Sun Belt’s Ongoing Boom. Clarion Partners. https://www.clarionpartners.com/insights/sun-belt-apartments-multifamily


    Upendram, Sreedhar, Chrystol Thomas, and James Mingie. “Population Change in Southern United States.Southern Ag Today 4(23.5). June 7, 2024. Permalink

  • HPAI in Dairy Cattle:  Is Pasteurization Dairy’s Only Reliable Protection? 

    HPAI in Dairy Cattle:  Is Pasteurization Dairy’s Only Reliable Protection? 

    It has been approximately eight weeks since the U.S. dairy industry became immersed in efforts to monitor and potentially control the outbreak of Highly Pathogenic Avian Influenza in dairy cattle confirmed in 63 locations across 9 nine states as of May 28, 2024, from Idaho to North Carolina.  FDA maintains a wealth of on-line data which is updated regularly and appears to be a model of government transparency. 

    On March 25, 2024, the first joint USDA/FDA/CDC public confirmation of  a HPAI outbreak in dairy cattle in Texas and Kansas, along with communication by most federal and state animal health and food safety authorities has contained this by-now familiar public health advisory:

    “The FDA and USDA have indicated that based on the information currently available, our commercial milk supply is safe because of these two reasons:

    1) the pasteurization process and

    2) the diversion or destruction of milk from sick cows.”

    These statements are based upon the standardized dairy production practices and safeguards mandated in the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, United States Public Health Services’ Grade “A” Pasteurized Milk Ordinance, 2019 Revision (PMO). In its earliest forms, the PMO dates back to 1924 and acts as the comprehensive and uniform national regulation of milk production for human consumption, its pasteurization, and sales in interstate commerce. It is enforced in all 50 states by a system of milk regulatory officials employed in federal and state government and by private industry through cooperative agreements in some jurisdictions. Pasteurization and the destruction of milk from sick cows is required by the PMO.  

    However, these public health statements contain buried and fundamental assumptions about regulatory and disease control processes that should be unpacked for a clearer understanding of why the impact and nature of these HPAI detections are qualitatively different than detections in poultry. Many distinguishing points exist.  

    • Milk production, processing and sale for the vast majority of human consumption nationwide mandates pasteurization, a “kill step” which has proven to be a relatively foolproof regulatory requirement for the prevention of disease transmission through milk. Perhaps no commodity is better situated to deal with the potential of HPAI in its supply chain. 
    • The biological circumstances of both the disease and the host animal—a large mammal of significant monetary value—do not indicate euthanasia as a disease control measure. Widespread cow-to-cow transmission has not materialized. Hopefully, that does not change in the future, or the consequences will be unprecedented and catastrophic. 
    • A dairy herd, its housing, and the land occupied for dairy production is much more difficult to “lock down” from a bio-security standpoint than the precedent established for controlling this disease in poultry.  Dairy production involves a complex daily routine of feeding, multiple milkings, milk storage, and truck transport for processing no less frequent than every 72 hours (a requirement of the PMO). Through this daily process, in order to achieve the immediate and effective disease transmission prevention aspired to in the poultry context would likely require immediate removal from the herd and culling of cows testing positive. Current conditions and pasteurization support a determination that the removal of objectively sick cows from the milking herd is sufficient. The removal and quarantine of sick cows on an individual basis from milk production if detected (or for example those treated with antibiotics) is a common occurrence and required by the PMO.
    • However, if sick cow numbers increase drastically, the logistics of withdrawing from the herd and retaining sick cows under quarantine conditions on-site for ultimate return to production simply may not be within the capabilities of many dairy operations. 

    All of these circumstances mean that quarantine processes, procedures, and movement restrictions on and off the farm are vastly different and comparatively reduced, as compared to poultry. Most important is that thus far, beyond interstate movement testing and restrictions, USDA APHIS federal quarantine orders have been used sparingly in comparison to poultry. Individual states’ animal health officials are presently filling in any void they feel necessary by imposing their own quarantine orders to serve their own perceived needs. However, this 50-state patchwork is not likely sustainable on a long-term basis should this outbreak in this species become more virulent or protracted.  

    Only time will tell if the current approach to disease control is effective in this species and with this commodity’s production methods. The ability to sustain these practices will depend entirely upon the number of HPAI detections.  

    However, one development has thrown a monkey wrench in the second statement in the two-pronged public health advisory noted above (“. . . diversion or destruction of milk from sick cows.”)  The assumption that such a measure is being reliably taken depends upon every individual dairy herd operator’s 100% accurate determination of which cows may be “sick” with HPAI. We have learned in recent weeks that HPAI in this species is not necessarily able to be routinely or accurately diagnosed.  

    We learned on May 10, 2024, that FDA has engaged in testing of 297 retail dairy products for HPAI virus detection, ostensibly to confirm that the pasteurization “kill step” was 100% effective. 

    “While the FDA collected the 297 samples at retail locations in 17 states, these retail samples represent products produced at 132 processing locations in 38 states.”

    Pasteurization scored a perfect 100% – no active HPAI virus.  However, 59 of the 297 samples tested showed evidence of “dead” HPAI virus components (essentially “killed” by pasteurization). That means 20% of the retail dairy products tested showed evidence that milk from one or more cows carrying HPAI was not diverted from the milk supply. This finding evidences the problems with routinely and accurately diagnosing infected dairy cattle. This result may be through absolutely no shortcoming of dairy operators’ diligence and more likely is caused by the inability to detect this disease’s presence in this species in any way that should be relied upon. The PMO requirement to exclude “sick” cows from the milking herd remains an essential regulatory policy. However, in a crisis of this magnitude, the observational tools of dairy operators for individual cow illness in the herd have proven at least 20% ineffective. Without pasteurization as the tried-and-true backstop, that would be wholly unacceptable and is misplaced if cited as the second most important reason the U.S. milk supply remains safe. 

    These findings illustrate the need for a more robust testing regime of dairy cattle and on-farm milk storage (“bulk tank units”) during this outbreak. Ideally, this should occur at a stage where further contamination can be stopped at the farm gate and before transport for processing as co-mingled milk from multiple premises.  

    Lastly, to boost public confidence, more focus should be on coupling pasteurization with a concentration on the evidence, or lack thereof, that milk can be a transmission medium of HPAI from cows to humans.[1]

    The perceived safety of consumer dairy products[2] is equally a matter of public health as well as economic survival of many in the dairy industry.    


    [1] In terms of disease transmission in mammals by consuming milk containing the live virus, there has been a late-breaking development. On May 24, 2024, the New England Journal of Medicine published a report from research primarily conducted at the University of Wisconsin-Madison concluding that the HPAI virus can infect mice through consumption of milk containing the live virus. At press time, further expert, USDA, or FDA input on the impact of this research was not available. 

     

    [2] As written, this article is strictly limited to the impact of HPAI as a pathogen in milk. However, transmission through the consumption of beef has also been the subject of another very recent development. To date in this outbreak, no HPAI has been confirmed in beef cattle but culled dairy cattle and beef from dairy cattle species increasingly contribute to the U.S. consumer beef supply. On May 1, 2024, USDA-APHIS reported that retail ground beef samples collected in the same states as confirmed HPAI-positive dairy cattle all tested negative for the presence of HPAI. However, on May 24, 2024, USDA’s Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS) announced that testing of beef tissue from 96 culled dairy cows sent to FSIS-inspected meat processing plants (but diverted by FSIS staff due to signs of illness) confirmed  the presence of HPAI “viral particles” in beef tissue from one cow. Further information may be forthcoming on the broader implications of this one finding.  Nevertheless, like pasteurization, cooking beef tissue appears to be the reliable “kill step.” On May 16, 2024, USDA’s Agricultural Research Service (ARS) published test results from cooking ground beef heavily inoculated with the HPAI virus.  No active virus was detectable after cooking temperatures of 140 – 160° F.


    Duer, Brook, and Paul Goeringer. “HPAI in Dairy Cattle: Is Pasteurization Dairy’s Only Reliable Protection?” Southern Ag Today 4(22.5). May 31, 2024. Permalink